Overview
The House of Representatives at work.
In its long history, Nigeria has experienced many regime changes. In its
pre-colonial change, its regime type varied from one area to another: In the north and west, there were well-developed large states with hereditary monarchs or powerful trading city-states under the Hausa people.
The regime type changed dramatically under colonization, with the British imposition
of indirect rule: by implementing new leaders, Britain established a well-developed authoritarian regime that lasted from the mid-20th century into the independence era when a military-style regime emerged in 1966.
The modern Nigerian government structure is officially federalist and democratic, but not always. After the British control of economic life in the colonial era, the economy remains under state control today. However, international factors have forced Nigeria to look toward supranational organizations, e.g. the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, for help in restructuring the economy.
pre-colonial change, its regime type varied from one area to another: In the north and west, there were well-developed large states with hereditary monarchs or powerful trading city-states under the Hausa people.
The regime type changed dramatically under colonization, with the British imposition
of indirect rule: by implementing new leaders, Britain established a well-developed authoritarian regime that lasted from the mid-20th century into the independence era when a military-style regime emerged in 1966.
The modern Nigerian government structure is officially federalist and democratic, but not always. After the British control of economic life in the colonial era, the economy remains under state control today. However, international factors have forced Nigeria to look toward supranational organizations, e.g. the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, for help in restructuring the economy.
Linkage Institutions
Political Parties
-- Political parties in Nigeria have almost always been regionally and ethinically based. The country's extreme factionalism led to an incoherent
party system with a large number of parties that deepened ethnic and religious cleavages.
-- While the group of more prevalent parties is always shifting, the following parties are the most recent producers of major presidential
candidates:
* The People's Democratic Party (PDP) - one of the more established parties since it has run candidates for office since 1998. It is the
party of Olusegun Obasanjo, who received about 62% of the vote in 2003. In 2007, Umaru Yar’Adua received almost 70% of the
vote. The party almost gained the overwhelming majority in the National Assembly but because the elections were fraudulent, it is very
difficult to know how much real support the PDP actually has.
* All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) - Former General Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim from the north, was the ANPP
candidate in 2003 and 2007. In 2003, his running mate was Chuba Okadigbo, an Igbo from the southeast, who is probably the Igbo’s
best hope for a run for future presidential elections. Buhari received about 32% of the vote in 2003, and not quite 19% in 2007.
* Action Congress (AC) - formed with the merger of the Alliance for Democracy, the Justice Party, the Advance Congress of
Democrats, and several other minor political parties in September 2006. The party ran VP Atiku Abubakar, who defected from the
People’s Democratic Party, as its presidential candidate in the 2007 presidential election. Abubakar was disqualified from the election
by the Independent National Electoral Commission, but the disqualification was later overturned by the Supreme Court. He
received more than 7% of the vote.
-- The fact that several parties merged to form Action Congress may be an indication that the major parties are coalescing. One trend since 1999
is for parties to lose their regional base and draw support from many parts of the country.
-- According to the Independent National Election Commission (INEC), in order to run candidates for the legislative and presidential elections
of 1999, a party needed at least 5% of the votes in two-thirds of the states in the December 1998 local elections to qualify - This practice
effectively cut the number of parties running to three, and also limited the eligible parties to five in the presidential election of 2003.
Elections and Electorial Procedures
-- Citizens vote for candidates on three levels: local, state, and national.
National Elections
* Presidential elections - The first presidential elections after the annulled elections of 1993 took place in 1999, followed by another in 2003. If a presidential candidates does not receive an outright majority, a second ballot election may take place (This has not happened yet). A president must also receive at least 25% of all votes cast in 2/3 of the states. In other words, a purely regional candidate cannot win the presidency.
* Legislative elections - the Senate had 109 senators (3 from each 36 states; 1 from the federal capital territory, Abuja). They
are elected by direct popular vote while the 539 seats in the House of Representatives are elected from single member districts
by plurality vote - the result from both is regional representation with multiple ethnic based coalitions.
--
Interest Groups
-- Interests groups have played an important role in Nigerian government and politics. Although the development of an active civil society has been
hampered by prebendalism and corruption, there is an array of civil society organizations that often cooperate with political parties.
Labor Unions
* Labor unions were politically powerful before the military oppressions of 1980s. Then, the Babangida regime limited their influence
through corporatism (government approved interest groups that provide feedback to the government) and a central labor organization that
supplanted the older unions
* The successful convening of the Nigeria Labor Conference in a general strike of workers in cities across Nigeria showed the revived power
of labor unions. The strike was organized to protest the government’s hike in fuel prices and taxes, and when the government agreed to
rescend their hikes, the strike organizers demanded more.
Business Interests
* Business interests have tended to work in collaboration with the military regimes during the last decade and have shared the spoils of the
corruption within the elite classes. However, some business associations (manufacturers, butchers, car rental firms, etc.) have operated
outside the realm of government influence in the private sector.
Human Rights Groups
* Other interest groups (university students, teachers, civil liberties organizations, professional groups, etc.) have organized to promote human
rights and have protested the abuse of the Babangida and Abacha regimes, e.g. they staged street demonstrations and protests in 1997-1998
as Abacha prepared to orchestrate a campaign to succeed himself.
* Although the groups are now only loosely connected, they remain active promoters of democratic reform and maintain their willingness to
collaborate in creating a true democracy in Nigeria.
Mass Media
-- Nigeria has long had a well-developed, independent press. Despite efforts from General Abacha to muffle criticisms of his rule by closing several of
the most influential and respected Nigerian newspapers and magazines (1994), the tradition remains intact.
-- The press reflects the ethnic and regional divisions within the country: Most of the outspoken newspapers are in the south, although a few have been
published in the north. Generals from the north have often interpreted criticisms of the press as ethnic slurs reflective of region-based stereotypes.
-- Radio is the main source of information for most Nigerians, with newspapers and TV more common in the cities. All 36 states run their own radio
stations. The media actively spread news as the events of the 2007 elections unfolded, and many journalists were highly critical of the government’s
actions.
-- Political parties in Nigeria have almost always been regionally and ethinically based. The country's extreme factionalism led to an incoherent
party system with a large number of parties that deepened ethnic and religious cleavages.
-- While the group of more prevalent parties is always shifting, the following parties are the most recent producers of major presidential
candidates:
* The People's Democratic Party (PDP) - one of the more established parties since it has run candidates for office since 1998. It is the
party of Olusegun Obasanjo, who received about 62% of the vote in 2003. In 2007, Umaru Yar’Adua received almost 70% of the
vote. The party almost gained the overwhelming majority in the National Assembly but because the elections were fraudulent, it is very
difficult to know how much real support the PDP actually has.
* All Nigeria People's Party (ANPP) - Former General Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim from the north, was the ANPP
candidate in 2003 and 2007. In 2003, his running mate was Chuba Okadigbo, an Igbo from the southeast, who is probably the Igbo’s
best hope for a run for future presidential elections. Buhari received about 32% of the vote in 2003, and not quite 19% in 2007.
* Action Congress (AC) - formed with the merger of the Alliance for Democracy, the Justice Party, the Advance Congress of
Democrats, and several other minor political parties in September 2006. The party ran VP Atiku Abubakar, who defected from the
People’s Democratic Party, as its presidential candidate in the 2007 presidential election. Abubakar was disqualified from the election
by the Independent National Electoral Commission, but the disqualification was later overturned by the Supreme Court. He
received more than 7% of the vote.
-- The fact that several parties merged to form Action Congress may be an indication that the major parties are coalescing. One trend since 1999
is for parties to lose their regional base and draw support from many parts of the country.
-- According to the Independent National Election Commission (INEC), in order to run candidates for the legislative and presidential elections
of 1999, a party needed at least 5% of the votes in two-thirds of the states in the December 1998 local elections to qualify - This practice
effectively cut the number of parties running to three, and also limited the eligible parties to five in the presidential election of 2003.
Elections and Electorial Procedures
-- Citizens vote for candidates on three levels: local, state, and national.
National Elections
* Presidential elections - The first presidential elections after the annulled elections of 1993 took place in 1999, followed by another in 2003. If a presidential candidates does not receive an outright majority, a second ballot election may take place (This has not happened yet). A president must also receive at least 25% of all votes cast in 2/3 of the states. In other words, a purely regional candidate cannot win the presidency.
* Legislative elections - the Senate had 109 senators (3 from each 36 states; 1 from the federal capital territory, Abuja). They
are elected by direct popular vote while the 539 seats in the House of Representatives are elected from single member districts
by plurality vote - the result from both is regional representation with multiple ethnic based coalitions.
--
Interest Groups
-- Interests groups have played an important role in Nigerian government and politics. Although the development of an active civil society has been
hampered by prebendalism and corruption, there is an array of civil society organizations that often cooperate with political parties.
Labor Unions
* Labor unions were politically powerful before the military oppressions of 1980s. Then, the Babangida regime limited their influence
through corporatism (government approved interest groups that provide feedback to the government) and a central labor organization that
supplanted the older unions
* The successful convening of the Nigeria Labor Conference in a general strike of workers in cities across Nigeria showed the revived power
of labor unions. The strike was organized to protest the government’s hike in fuel prices and taxes, and when the government agreed to
rescend their hikes, the strike organizers demanded more.
Business Interests
* Business interests have tended to work in collaboration with the military regimes during the last decade and have shared the spoils of the
corruption within the elite classes. However, some business associations (manufacturers, butchers, car rental firms, etc.) have operated
outside the realm of government influence in the private sector.
Human Rights Groups
* Other interest groups (university students, teachers, civil liberties organizations, professional groups, etc.) have organized to promote human
rights and have protested the abuse of the Babangida and Abacha regimes, e.g. they staged street demonstrations and protests in 1997-1998
as Abacha prepared to orchestrate a campaign to succeed himself.
* Although the groups are now only loosely connected, they remain active promoters of democratic reform and maintain their willingness to
collaborate in creating a true democracy in Nigeria.
Mass Media
-- Nigeria has long had a well-developed, independent press. Despite efforts from General Abacha to muffle criticisms of his rule by closing several of
the most influential and respected Nigerian newspapers and magazines (1994), the tradition remains intact.
-- The press reflects the ethnic and regional divisions within the country: Most of the outspoken newspapers are in the south, although a few have been
published in the north. Generals from the north have often interpreted criticisms of the press as ethnic slurs reflective of region-based stereotypes.
-- Radio is the main source of information for most Nigerians, with newspapers and TV more common in the cities. All 36 states run their own radio
stations. The media actively spread news as the events of the 2007 elections unfolded, and many journalists were highly critical of the government’s
actions.
Government Institutions
Executive
-- With the establishment of the Second Republic (1979), the parliamentary system modeled after Britain was replaced by a presidential system with the
hopes that a popularly elected president could unify the weak multi-party system and fragmented legislature where the prime minister could not.
-- Nigeria followed U.S. presidential model mode, including a two-term limit for the chief executive, until Major-General Muhammadu Buhari
staged a palace coup (1983). He was later ousted by General Babangida (1985), who was replaced by General Abacha (1993).
-- Civilian rule returned in 1999, and President Obasanjo was reelected in 2003, and in 2007 Nigeria had its first experience of one civilian president
handing power to another, no matter how flawed the election.
The Executive under Military Rule
* Nigeria’s seven military leaders all have promised a “transition to democracy”, but only two have given power over to elected leaders: General
Obasanjo (1979) and General Abubakar (1999).
* General Buhari (1983-1985), Babangida (1985-1993), and Abacha (1993-1998) are known for their use of repressive tactics, but virtually all
military and civilian administrations have concentrated power in the hands of the executive - the presidents have appointed senior officials
without legislative approval, and neither the legislature nor the judiciary has consistently checked executive power.
Patrimonialism
* The generals have ruled under a system of patrimonialism in which the president is the head of an intricate patron-client system and
dispense government jobs and resources a rewards to supporters. As a result, cabinet positions, bureaucracy chiefs, and virtually all other
government jobs are part of the president’s patronage system.
* The fact that generals repeatedly have been overthrown indicated that the system is unstable, or possibly that the impulse toward democracy
is keeping patrimonialism from working.
Bureaucracy
-- The elaborate civil service put in place by British during colonial days allowed Nigerians to fill lower-level jobs in the bureaucracy. After independence,
the civil service remained in place, and has grown tremendously over the past decades.
-- Overall, the bureaucracy is known to be corrupt and inefficient due to common bribery and the patron-client system (a.k.a. prebendalism). Not
surprisingly, this system has lead to a rapid increase in the number of bureaucratic jobs
Para-statals
* Like Mexican organizations before the 1980s, many Nigerian government agencies are para-statals (corporations owned by the state and
designated to provide commercial and social welfare services). Theoretically, they are privately owned, but their boards are appointed by
government ministers, and their executives are interwoven into the president’s patronage system.
* Para-statals commonly provide public utilities, i.e. water, electricity, public transportation, and agricultural subsidies. Others control major
industries such as steel, defense products, and petroleum.
State Corporatism
* In Nigeria, as in Iran, para-statals provide the input gained from government appproved interest groups, but because they are controlled by
the government they create state-corporatism. Para-statals fulfill important economic and social functions while insuring that the state
controls private interests.
* Officially, they serve as contact points between the government and business interests, but the state ultimately controls the interactions.
Para-statals generally are inefficiently run and corrupt, and many believe that they must be disbanded if democracy is to survive in Nigeria.
Legislature
-- The Nigerian legislature has taken several different forms since independence, and it has been disbanded a number of times by military rulers. A
parliamentary system was in place until 1979, when it was replaced by a presidential system with a bicameral legislature, known collectively as The
National Assembly. Both representatives and senators serve four-year renewable terms, and elections are held the week preceding the presidential
election.
*The Senate - the upper house is composed of 109 senators, three from each of 36
states and one from the federal capital territory of Abuja. Senators are elected
directly by popular vote. Its equal representation model for states is based on
that of the United States Senate, so some senators represent much smaller
populations that others do. However, the ethnic and religious diversity of the
36 state means that senators are also a diverse lot.
The
House of Representatives-
The House of Representatives has 360 members from single-member districts. They
are elected by plurality, and like the senators, represent many different
ethnicities. After the elections of 2003, only 23 representatives were women, as
were only 4 of the 109 senators, but those figures were up slightly from
1999.
Nigerian
legislatures under military governments have had almost no power, and even under
civilian control, the legislature has only recently become an effective check on
the president’s power.
A
notable example is the National Assembly’s failure to ratify President
Obasanjo’s plan to alter the Constitution to allow him to run for a third term
in 2007.
-- With the establishment of the Second Republic (1979), the parliamentary system modeled after Britain was replaced by a presidential system with the
hopes that a popularly elected president could unify the weak multi-party system and fragmented legislature where the prime minister could not.
-- Nigeria followed U.S. presidential model mode, including a two-term limit for the chief executive, until Major-General Muhammadu Buhari
staged a palace coup (1983). He was later ousted by General Babangida (1985), who was replaced by General Abacha (1993).
-- Civilian rule returned in 1999, and President Obasanjo was reelected in 2003, and in 2007 Nigeria had its first experience of one civilian president
handing power to another, no matter how flawed the election.
The Executive under Military Rule
* Nigeria’s seven military leaders all have promised a “transition to democracy”, but only two have given power over to elected leaders: General
Obasanjo (1979) and General Abubakar (1999).
* General Buhari (1983-1985), Babangida (1985-1993), and Abacha (1993-1998) are known for their use of repressive tactics, but virtually all
military and civilian administrations have concentrated power in the hands of the executive - the presidents have appointed senior officials
without legislative approval, and neither the legislature nor the judiciary has consistently checked executive power.
Patrimonialism
* The generals have ruled under a system of patrimonialism in which the president is the head of an intricate patron-client system and
dispense government jobs and resources a rewards to supporters. As a result, cabinet positions, bureaucracy chiefs, and virtually all other
government jobs are part of the president’s patronage system.
* The fact that generals repeatedly have been overthrown indicated that the system is unstable, or possibly that the impulse toward democracy
is keeping patrimonialism from working.
Bureaucracy
-- The elaborate civil service put in place by British during colonial days allowed Nigerians to fill lower-level jobs in the bureaucracy. After independence,
the civil service remained in place, and has grown tremendously over the past decades.
-- Overall, the bureaucracy is known to be corrupt and inefficient due to common bribery and the patron-client system (a.k.a. prebendalism). Not
surprisingly, this system has lead to a rapid increase in the number of bureaucratic jobs
Para-statals
* Like Mexican organizations before the 1980s, many Nigerian government agencies are para-statals (corporations owned by the state and
designated to provide commercial and social welfare services). Theoretically, they are privately owned, but their boards are appointed by
government ministers, and their executives are interwoven into the president’s patronage system.
* Para-statals commonly provide public utilities, i.e. water, electricity, public transportation, and agricultural subsidies. Others control major
industries such as steel, defense products, and petroleum.
State Corporatism
* In Nigeria, as in Iran, para-statals provide the input gained from government appproved interest groups, but because they are controlled by
the government they create state-corporatism. Para-statals fulfill important economic and social functions while insuring that the state
controls private interests.
* Officially, they serve as contact points between the government and business interests, but the state ultimately controls the interactions.
Para-statals generally are inefficiently run and corrupt, and many believe that they must be disbanded if democracy is to survive in Nigeria.
Legislature
-- The Nigerian legislature has taken several different forms since independence, and it has been disbanded a number of times by military rulers. A
parliamentary system was in place until 1979, when it was replaced by a presidential system with a bicameral legislature, known collectively as The
National Assembly. Both representatives and senators serve four-year renewable terms, and elections are held the week preceding the presidential
election.
*The Senate - the upper house is composed of 109 senators, three from each of 36
states and one from the federal capital territory of Abuja. Senators are elected
directly by popular vote. Its equal representation model for states is based on
that of the United States Senate, so some senators represent much smaller
populations that others do. However, the ethnic and religious diversity of the
36 state means that senators are also a diverse lot.
The
House of Representatives-
The House of Representatives has 360 members from single-member districts. They
are elected by plurality, and like the senators, represent many different
ethnicities. After the elections of 2003, only 23 representatives were women, as
were only 4 of the 109 senators, but those figures were up slightly from
1999.
Nigerian
legislatures under military governments have had almost no power, and even under
civilian control, the legislature has only recently become an effective check on
the president’s power.
A
notable example is the National Assembly’s failure to ratify President
Obasanjo’s plan to alter the Constitution to allow him to run for a third term
in 2007.